Thursday, May 13, 2021

Introduction to Hollering Theology

 

Introduction

“You have done really well here. I am so proud of you. What do you plan to do when you graduate?” I say with a beaming smile. “Well, I don’t really have a plan yet, but I was wondering what you might have in mind?” Asked the brilliant student who has just filed for graduation. “How about the Peace Corp or this great opportunity teaching English in Thailand?” “Nah, I would rather stay close to home.” I persist, “There is a great chance for working with Christian Appalachian Project or how about taking that job out in Phelps High School? You know those kids need support as they have a lot of obstacles.” The student sheepishly shares, “I would rather have something a little closer to my parents’ house and I really need to make some money. I love helping people, I am praying about my future, but they do not pay very well and right now I need a job that pays good and keeps me close to home. I need something that will help me do more than just get by. I am not trying to be rich, but I need something where I can get a different car and breathe a little bit.” Although confused, I relented from the pursuit of specific justice-oriented jobs and helped him with an online job posting service. 

This dialogue is one of many I have experienced as a chaplain with students at the University of Pikeville (UPIKE). This student was a devout Christian who was active on campus and graduated with a strong grade point average. Literally my breath was taken when hearing him express the language of survival rather than transformation. I had expected this new college graduate to share how he planned on “changing the world” or “helping those most in need” yet as I continue to listen to other students, I hear stories of getting jobs, making money, and being close to family. These encounters led me to ask how could students immersed in the country’s region of most “need” not be moved by the plight in the same ways that I was moved to action?

            On nearly all fronts, Central Appalachia and especially Eastern Kentucky is home to persons suffering from poor health, less formal education, and disempowering underemployment. Rather than asking the question of the New York Times, “What is the Matter with Eastern Kentucky?”[1] I refuse to blame a people or culture. One thing is for certain, there is more going on than meets the eye therefore I ask more probing questions that are not as simple as clickbait headlines. UPIKE students are thoughtful, engaged, and committed. Most have plowed through many impediments, developed grit and defied the odds to succeed. What is the disconnection from their desires and my expectations for their actions?

The basis for this research project is the notion that various sources of oppression have created the ongoing degradation of Eastern Kentucky and that a liberation theological paradigm can help empower Appalachian students to see themselves as agents of transformation. For this work, Central Appalachia and especially Eastern Kentucky will be explored as the cultural and regional context, in addition to UPIKE. This research accepts that Appalachian culture exists and when contextualized within liberation theology, hereafter referred to as hollering theology, Appalachian students will be empowered to see themselves as change agents in the region. As the overwhelming majority of UPIKE graduates stay in the Central Appalachia region, UPIKE students have a profound opportunity to effect change in the region.

I have noticed a disturbing trend among students at UPIKE. There is a disconnect from religious devotion and community engagement. Is it possible that a view of God uninformed by liberation theology is what blocks these students from actively engaging in their community, being with the poor, and challenging systems of oppression such as the hillbilly stereotype? If so, can insights from hollering theology empower students to interact with their communities while seeing themselves as agents/restorers of a broken world? This project will explore the following research question: Is there a hollering theology and if so, how does the critical teaching of it at UPIKE transform students’ understanding of their obligation to others as an expression of their Christian devotion, their self-identity, and their civic engagement?

Through many times of listening to students and reading their papers in various religion courses, their words and actions provoke many questions related to self-understanding and personal agency. Some of the key questions are as follows:

·         Are students disempowered and oppressed through stereotyping and cultural shaming?

·         Does internalized oppression happen through the pervasive imagery and labeling of the hillbilly?

·         How much should a liberation theologian focus on internalized oppression in the work of empowering Central Appalachia?

·         Does the framework of oppression through stereotyping become essential to the work of hollering theology?

So often when one is experiencing internalized oppression or has a colonized mind the powers and oppressive themes are nearly invisible.[2] One of the key questions coming from face-to-face interviews in this project, came from Dr. Burton Webb, President of UPIKE, as he was addressing issues in Appalachia. He asked, “Why don’t we grow mushrooms in abandoned mines?”[3] In his question I wonder if this is a beautiful push toward human agency or does the question gloss over internalized oppression which blocks creativity and risk taking?

As I hear Dr. Webb’s question, I also feel my own bias oozing out in this project. I started this research project with a clear vision of what liberation theology in Central Appalachia would look like when students engage in the work. My vision was that students would choose the jobs of justice, areas of most need, and consistently be shifting toward areas that they can do the most good. My view of “most good” has the dangerous overlay of a “savior complex.” As much as it pains me to admit, a lot of my work in the region has been fueled by trying to “save” or “civilize” rather than listening, learning, and empowering others for the dreams and goals of their lives. In this project, you will also hear of how I unlearn many of my “savior-like suppositions” and am now growing into a humbler learning posture.

Liberation poet and educator Audre Lorde provides a helpful insight when sharing that revolutionary change is not simply the removal of oppressive forces/dominating circumstances. The key to revolution is removing the deeply rooted seed of the oppressor which has taken hold in the heart/soul.[4] This seed is known as internal colonializing or internal oppression. This reality is often ignored when people are providing an analysis of regional problems and is often ignored in the formation of public policy responses. Social scientific frameworks and Marxist critiques are limited in the insight they can provide. Before one is liberated economically or politically, one must be liberated through a conversion of heart and mind. Before one is liberated economically or politically, one must be liberated through a conversion of the heart and mind. Conversion, therefore, plays an essential part in the liberation story.[5] 

This research accepts the truth that Appalachian people have been internally colonized and therefore I am stirred to turn to liberation theology to ask questions as I develop hollering theology: This research starts with the following questions:

·         How does one “take the poor off the cross”[6] in Eastern Kentucky?

·         Who are the poor and suffering of Central Appalachia?

·         What are the systems of oppression and who/what holds the power?

·         Where is God working against the systems of oppression?

·         Where and what are the false gods/idols of death?

·         Who are the local players seeking grassroots change at the systems level?

·         What is the role of UPIKE, as positioned in Central Appalachia, to work toward liberation and can a religion course empower critical awakening?

 

In the midst of these critical questions, another question arises. Why the use of the word hollering for the contextualized liberation paradigm in Central Appalachia? Although the word is spelled “hollow” in most parts of Central Appalachia, it is pronounced “holler,” if you travel or live in Eastern Kentucky, will spend a lot of time up a “holler.” A holler is a small valley between mountains and are usually narrow at times accompanied by a parallel creek, leading up a winding road that has only one way and out. When a person refers to a holler as “hollow,” it is an instant giveaway that they are an outsider. Some people said that the term comes from the reality of family-based hollows and how people “holler” back in forth to communicate. Nationally hollers have been a place of media sensationalism and the Smithsonian has used the term “holler dwellers”[7] to discuss people who live in these areas. Hollers became famous when Loretta Lynn sang about growing up on “Butcher Holler” in her iconic song, “Coal Miner’s Daughter.”[8] Holler is an affectionate and localized word that is multilayered in its meaning. It depicts home, family, a windy journey, mountains, and something that might only be appreciated by those who live there. It also represents a passionate and loud volume which gets your attention. In the hollow, one can feel God’s embrace.[9]

As a proud hillbilly, the work of liberation in Central Appalachia is something to holler about because there is much up the holler that the theological world needs to know. Hollering is an appropriate and natural contextualizing word for this liberation theological endeavor. This work is an attempt to contextualize liberation theology in Central Appalachia while partnering this “hollering” theology with critical pedagogy in the classroom at UPIKE. The goal is to empower Appalachian students to name and claim hollering theology as a method of doing theology in their hollers.

This project is one of many projects seeking to support and empower the Central Appalachian region. Although there are many projects in the region, not all liberation attempts are as mindful of producing regional benefit. The attempt at constructing a hollering theology is an experiment in listening to students while providing engaging and critical materials for students to wrestle with while they are enrolled in two different religion classes at UPIKE. On the scale of projects in the region, this project is a minor experiment and theological in grounding. Other attempts at liberation in the region have been much more expansive and at times problematic.

Economic and material development pathways to liberation are the most frequent avenues people/agencies use in Central Appalachia. In liberation theology economics is a healthy starting place as this theology advocates for the God who shows a “preferential option for the poor.” The first major government liberation endeavor in Central Appalachia was through the Appalachian Regional Commission (ARC), which was birthed to investigate and explore opportunities to socially uplift the poor of Appalachia. Underlying the ARC mission is the government’s concept of the “Appalachian problem.” It saw Appalachia as a region strangely apart both geographically and statistically. The commission initially sought to introduce Appalachia and its people into a fully active membership in the American society.[10] This economic focus, without a nuanced appreciation of the oppressing systems at play, has become a faulty foundation of which some help has caused harm.

While the ARC was being launched, President Lyndon Johnson, with one photo opportunity (see appendix one), cemented a picture of Appalachia as a land of despair and poverty in the minds of the American psyche. In this fateful moment, President Johnson chose Martin County, Kentucky and resident, Tom Fletcher, a 38-year-old unemployed father of eight, to show the nation what the downturn in coal mining had done to the Appalachian people.[11] He sought to declare “war on poverty” and make the war personal. Tragically this moment ruined Tom Fletcher’s life and years later, when Tom was asked why he was unable to get away from the visible poverty that made him the face of the War on Poverty, he said, “I don’t know.” [12] As this story goes, so does the poverty in Appalachia.

Although billions have been poured into the region to help the poor hillbilly, circumstances have changed very little. Nearly 60 years later and the Fletcher cabin stands but now more dilapidated while Martin County has a poverty rate at 35 %, which makes it one of the poorest in the nation. Sadly, only 9 % of adults have college degrees and unemployment rates are twice the national average.[13] Since the War on Poverty launched in 1964, poverty rates in Central Appalachia remain at the top of the nation. Nearly 33 % of young adults ages 18 to 24 were in poverty in rural Appalachia in 2014-2018 as seen in appendix two.[14] Government programs and projects alone have not been able to liberate the region.

Where economic development has failed, education seeks to offer an alternative liberation. In the midst of the famous Hatfield/McCoy feud, institutions like UPIKE were founded with the aim of providing a quality basic education to those in need. UPIKE’s catalyst of birth was Rev. David Blythe who believed that “while giving them a course in English, he was also giving them a sample of religion.”[15] People like Rev. Blythe believed that what Appalachia needed was education and through education the region would flourish. Historically however, education has also meant educating the “uncivilized” hillbilly. Sadly, this type of education has been a key strategy for outsiders. In Eastern Kentucky about half of the people have finished high school and 25 % have attended college in comparison to national averages of 50 %. Comparatively, only 10% of people in Eastern Kentucky have earned a college degree.[16] Dr. Michael Hendryx with the Central Appalachia Prosperity Project argues that education alone cannot solve the problem. Without training, skills, and then the job opportunities, Appalachia will not be able to sustain any development in the twenty-first century.[17] Education without economic improvement opportunities and education without the awareness of how class and income disparities impact the receiving and valuing of education becomes an exercise in futility. Education does not solve poverty alone. Without this awareness, school becomes a mirage at best and possibly dishonest at worst if one does not admit that it has a responsibility to expand their offerings, as a way of preparing students to work against an unfair reality. If schools do not do this, then it sets students up for a crushing reality check.[18]

Without a formal education, hillbillies will be relegated to the back of the national line yet education must include skills and a broad-based focus that is regionally and economically appropriate. Currently in the US, there is a great chasm between those who have degrees and those who do not and “this divide perpetuates a ‘tyranny of merit’ for the educated, and a ‘politics of humiliation’ for the uneducated.”[19] Educational disparities are vast in Central Appalachia, yet attempts at liberation education must be regionally appropriate and guided by local voices.

For many, the problems of Central Appalachia are not rooted in material or educational realities but are symptoms of spiritual problems. These spiritual gaps are filled by passionate missionaries who have flooded the hills with hope and zeal. Without the work of missionaries, Pikeville Kentucky would not have UPIKE or Pikeville Medical Center as both were founded by Christian missionaries (PCUSA, UMC). Yet these breakthroughs did not come without any baggage. In addition to education and health care, some missionaries brought with them the desire to transform a culture into an image of their own imperial making. Dr. Jill Fraley, professor of law at Washington and Lee Law School, explores this through the lens of moral geography. With ideas about the wilderness, some missionaries felt passion to reach to the far regions of the mountains. They overlaid their ideas of nature onto the people by dividing the Appalachian people from the rest of the nation.[20] This type of missionary came to “fix” and “save” a broken people. Dr. Dwight Billings, an Appalachian scholar and professor of sociology, summarizes this notion, “Missionaries, intent on improving conditions in isolated mountain areas, also perpetuated the stereotype by focusing on the poorest images in the region and exploiting those images as a call to action for assistance in funding and resources.”[21] Missionaries in their zeal can also perpetuate the demeaning of the hillbilly and his/her culture.

Unlike some missionaries who imported a view of civilization on hillbillies, the greatest threat to Central Appalachian liberation is a danger from within. Escapist spirituality is a view of Christianity that sees escaping the earth and its painful reality as the goal of the Christian faith. In this expression of faith, the aim is escaping the pains and chaos of earth for the otherworldly paradise of heaven.[22]  This is not a spirituality centered on grace and liberation. A grace-centered spirituality seeks to set people free from suffering by working toward the earthly relieving of bodily suffering. It is through an embodied faith that one is emboldened to challenge the death dealings systems.[23] Escapist faith can be seen in popular hymns such as “On Jordan’s Stormy Banks[24] and “I’ll Fly Away[25] which are regularly sung in the hollers of Central Appalachia.

Escapism does damage to long-term discipleship and makes the critique of the oppressive powers anemic. Although escapism has its limitations, it can provide a way of subversion and temporary relief from oppression. Dr. Harry Lefever, professor of sociology, offers humbling insight as he argues that escapist religion can provide the oppressed and poor “spiritual compensation” for all of the material suffering. Although having no status or power on earth, the poor/oppressed will be given eternal bliss in heaven.[26] Evaluating escapist spirituality demands theological humility and honesty. There is a rich humility in knowing that poverty and suffering may be one’s lived reality and the American Dream is a myth, particularly for those in Central Appalachia. For many in the region, the promise of social advancement has proven to be a mirage.[27] Escapist spirituality provides some solace in the wake of this mirage. However, despite the benefits and solace it affords, it has left behind so many hillbillies in the areas of education, job creation, and sustained economic progress. Escapism has fueled many hillbillies to look past the undersides of capitalistic profiting off of their land/people, because Heaven is their home thus nullifying the need to change earthly realities.

Heaven is a beautiful hope and promise for the believer, yet hillbillies also love the earth and the gift of the mountains. Hillbillies love their homeplace and hollers, so then, this project will seek to provide a contextualized liberation theology that empowers hillbillies to live in a way that operates “on earth as it is in heaven.” Hollering theology provides an alternative vision for liberation that provides a contextualized liberation theology which will be implemented in religion classes at UPIKE for the aim of critically awakening a generation of Appalachian leaders/change agents.

Chapter one will discuss the key concepts of colonization of the mind and internalized oppression as a diagnosis for a key avenue of oppression in Central Appalachia. Also, this chapter will explore the origins of the Appalachian hillbilly and how this stereotype is sinisterly used to oppress Central Appalachia resulting in the deadly fruits of addiction, disempowerment, justification of the ransacking of the region’s resources, land, and people.

Chapter two will take a closer look at the scholastic underpinnings of the project by examining the works of liberation thinkers Leonardo Boff and Ignacio Ellacuria. Special attention will be given to Ellacuria’s idea of the Christian university. In addition, Dalit theology will be explored for the ways in which it speaks to the notion of inherent shaming of people. Ultimately the chapter will provide the theological rationale for the creation of hollering theology.

Chapter three will dive deeper into the culture of Central Appalachia by dialoguing with Appalachian scholar Loyal Jones and Appalachian provocateur JD Vance in addition to scholars in the field of Appalachian studies. Further, the context of UPIKE and its spiritual life will be addressed in detail. This contextual framing leads to discussing more fully the problems that are addressed by this study and the change sought.  

Chapter four will frame this study within the higher education setting and therefore discuss the educational philosophy of critical pedagogy and key scholars within this movement such as Paulo Freire and Myles Horton. Critical pedagogy is the method of teaching for the classes in which the project is set. Later in the chapter the courses of Introduction to the New Testament and Appalachian Liberation Theology are discussed whereas you will learn the inner dynamics of specific assignments and course philosophy for the classes.

Chapter five will plumb the depths of the project and show the results of the research. Special attention will be given to survey results in addition to the results of student writing reflections and interviews. Also, the development of hollering theology is addressed and will be related to other liberation projects. Finally, the chapter will share the evaluation of the project and give concluding interpretation of the results of the project.

Chapter six is the heart of the project as it shares the pastoral method of Leonardo Boff which is used in this work and then applies it in the creation of hollering theology. UPIKE and Appalachian leader Paul Patton will be provided as models for hollering liberationists who are acting out this contextualized theology. Throughout the chapter, readers will learn the key theological framework of hollering theology, such as terms, images, and how this theology presents a hillbilly Jesus and a family metaphor for the Trinity. The contextualization of Jesus and the Trinity will be explored as ways to better introduce liberation theology to Appalachian students.

Chapter seven will explore the implications and value of this project by seeing it as an agent for social change. In addition, this chapter looks at the potential of using hollering theology in other works and how this study can be further expanded. Finally, the chapter serves as a conclusion to the thesis.




[2] Mukoma Wa Ngugi, “What Decolonizing the Mind Means Today: The Work of Linguistic Decolonization Cannot Be Done By Writers Alone," Literary Hub, March 23, 2018, accessed 5-13-2020,

https://lithub.com/mukoma-wa-ngugi-what-decolonizing-the-mind-means-today/

 

[3] Burton Webb, interviewed by author, Pikeville, KY,  June 21, 2020.

[4] Alvaro Basista Alcaza, "The Curriculum Implications of Liberation Theology as a Theory for Social Change," (2001), LSU Historical Dissertations and Theses, 233. https://digitalcommons.lsu.edu/gradschool_disstheses/233 151

 

 

[6] Jon Sobrino, The Principle of Mercy, Orbis, 2004, 3.

 

[9] Catholic Bishops of Appalachia. At Home in the Web of Life. 1995. 54.  

[10] Andrew Isserman, “Socioeconomic Review of Appalachia Then and Now: An Update of the "Realities of Deprivation" Reported to the President in 1964,” Appalachian Regional Commission, 1996, Accessed July 17, 2020, https://www.arc.gov/report/socioeconomic-review-of-appalachia-then-and-now-an-update-of-the-realities-of-deprivation-reported-to-the-president-in-1964/

[11] Allen G. Breed, ‘Poster Father’ Weary of Sour Fate: Kentucky: Tom Fletcher still lives in the hillside house where Lyndon Johnson visited. He voices resentment over media interest in his life story, in which most luck has been bad,” June 26, 1994,  LA Times, Accessed July 30, 2020, https://www.latimes.com/archives/la-xpm-1994-06-26-mn-8651-story.html  

 

[12]Ibid.

 

[13] Pam Fessler, “Poverty in Appalachia today: Kentucky County That Gave War on Poverty A Face Still Struggles,” January 8, 2014, National Public Radio, Accessed August 4, 2020,

https://www.npr.org/2014/01/08/260151923/kentucky-county-that-gave-war-on-poverty-a-face-still-struggles

[14] Kelvin Pollard and Linda A. Jacobsen, “The Appalachian Region: A Data Overview from the 2014-2018 American Community Survey Chartbook,” Appalachian Regional Commission, June 2020, Accessed July 21, 2020, https://www.prb.org/appalachias-current-strengths-and-vulnerabilities/

 

[15] Alice Kender, Pikeville College: Look to the Hills. 1889-1989, Pikeville College, 1990, 5.

 

[17] Michael Hendryx. “Education and Jobs, Jobs and Education: A proposal for funding economic redevelopment in Central Appalachia,” Central Appalachian Prosperity Project, January 4, 2010.

 

[19] Nicole Simon, “Harvard professor lectures on American populism, class divide,” October 29, 2018, The Observer, accessed July 24 2020, https://ndsmcobserver.com/2018/10/harvard-professor-class-divide/  

[20] Jill Fraley, “Missionaries to the Wilderness: A History of Land, Identity and Moral Geography in Appalachia,” Washington & Lee Legal Studies Paper No. 2015, Journal of Appalachian Studies, Vol. 17, No. 1/2 (Spring/Fall 2011), 28-41.

 

[21] Dwight Billings as cited in Amanda Slone,To See Ourselves: A Mixed Methods Study of the Relationship Between Place, Mindset, and Grit in Appalachian First Year College Students,” Northwest Nazarene University, 2020, 32.

 

[22] Christopher Benek, “Escapism Theology is Causing an Exodus from The Church,” Christopher Benek.com Accessed December 13, 2020, https://www.christopherbenek.com/2018/03/escapism-theology-is-causing-an-exodus-from-the-church/

[23] Ignacio Ellacuria and Jon Sobrino, Systematic Theology: Perspectives from Liberation Theology Readings from Mysterium Liberationis, Orbis, 1996, 210.

 

[24] Samuel Stennett, 1787, “On Jordan’s Stormy Banks I Stand” Hymnary.org Accessed December 13, 2020, https://hymnary.org/text/on_jordans_stormy_banks_i_stand

 

[25] Albert E. Brumley, “I’ll Fly Away” Hymnary.org Accessed December 13, 2020, https://hymnary.org/tune/ill_fly_away_brumley 

 

[26] Harry G. Lefever, “The Religion of the Poor: Escape or Creative Force?” Journal for the Scientific Study of Religion, Sep., 1977, Vol. 16, No. 3, 225-236, Accessed December 13, 2020, https://www.jstor.org/stable/pdf/1385693.pdf?refreqid=excelsior percent3A1cb85c23e27d091a02851722030e41c9

 

[27] Alina Stefanescu, “Innocence & Violence in Appalachia: on William Woolfit’s Spring Up Everlasting,” October 7, 2020, On the Seawall: a community gallery of new writing, art, and commentary hosted by Ron Slate, Accessed December 13, 2020, https://www.ronslate.com/innocence-violence-in-appalachia-on-william-woolfits-spring-up-everlasting/

Wednesday, May 12, 2021

The Hillbilly

 

CHAPTER 1: THE HILLBILY

 

“I am just a dumb hillbilly.”[1] As an educator in Eastern Kentucky, sadly I have heard this phrase many times when personally listening to students share their fears and inadequacies. Rusty Justice, founder of Bit Source, an innovated computer coding company for those who are unemployed in the coal industry, tells a story of when they launched their initial hiring of 11 coders to be the first class of change agents in the region. These well-paying jobs were advertised and were so popular that Bit Source had to cut the application process a week early because the site had crashed, and they had already received 950 applications. Out of these 950, they chose 11 and on the first day of work, only 10 showed. This stunned Rusty and his leadership team so Rusty personally called the 11th candidate and pleaded with him to come to work and embrace the exciting future of coding. The man however wanted to keep his ten dollar an hour job and said, “Who am I kidding, I am just a dumb hillbilly from up the holler, what do I know about computers, I will never learn coding like they need me to”[2] The sinister shadow of the hillbilly image crushes many in Central Appalachia.

Most Appalachian scholars agree that the stereotyping of Appalachian people has evolved over time. The first cultural images of the Appalachian person/region were the brave and courageous mountaineers who like Daniel Boone and Davy Crockett blazed new territories and paved ways for fellow pioneers to inhibit the mountains. Of course, this first “American” image discounts and entirely ignores the fact that some of the first Appalachians were the Shawnee and Cherokee, among many others. The brave mountaineer was blasted in newspapers as mountaineers helped win the Revolutionary War and even Gen. George Washington said that if he were going to have a last stand, he would want it with the mountain boys of Tennessee.[3]

Later, however, when the revolution was won and the industrial revolution took off, the Appalachian Mountains were a region filled with profitable resources that could be picked as fuel for the advancement of the new nation. The land, however, could not simply be taken as was the case with the expulsion of the first peoples. The mountaineers were a rugged and brave bunch who could not be fought and killed for their land. Unlike the first peoples, the mountaineers had guns and were more than willing to use them to protect their family and homeplace. This national invasion had to be softer and subtle. This is when the national imagery shifted from the brave mountaineer to a wild region filled with primitive, violent, and backwards people.

[4]

The word hillbilly is believed to have first appeared in print in the US in 1900 in a New York Evening Journal article describing the “hill-billie” as “a free and untrammeled white citizen of Alabama, who lives in the hills, has no means to speak of, dresses as he can, talks as he pleases, drinks whiskey when he gets it, and fires off his revolver as the fancy takes him.”[5] The first known photograph labeled as hillbilly was in 1899 when describing a group of people in West Virginia as “Camp Hillbilly.”[6] The Encyclopedia of Appalachia lists the hillbilly as

the dominant icon of Appalachia…the hillbilly image is consistently a lanky, black-bearded, white male who lives in a cabin in the mountains with an outhouse out back. He wears a battered slouch hat, totes a shotgun and a jug of moonshine, and holds little regard for the law, work, cleanliness, or book learning. He has loose morals and is decidedly dangerous.[7]

 

The origins of the hillbilly are as complex and dynamic as the people it describes. Following the Civil War, tensions were high as the nation began to reconstruct its identity as a union. Due to the border stance in the war, Kentucky and the newly-formed state of West Virginia were left without a future identity. Although West Virginia had stood up to the Southern plantation owners who were leading Virginia’s dive into Civil War, the mountain people of West Virginia were tired of being told what to do. They were politically disempowered and disenfranchised. Dennis Frye, chief historian at Harpers Ferry National State Park, when discussing West Virginia, says, “They were a state born of conviction. They were a state born for advocating for and defending the United States of America.”[8] Rather than being seen as heroes after the war, the courageous and loyal mountaineers were relegated to the status of “other.” This is the birth of the Appalachian “peculiar people” narrative. The mountaineers become the sacrificial offering to help reconcile the North and South as they become the mutually agreed upon ostracized mountain people.

The making of the “peculiarity” storyline took time to saturate the American psyche. Between 1870 and 1890, local colorists published more than 90 travel sketches and 125 short stories about the region, as one of the first pieces was the work, “A Strange Land and a Peculiar People.”[9] This article accelerated the idea of Appalachian otherness and set a precedent for Appalachia to be seen as strange.[10]

Late-nineteenth-century local color writer John Fox, Jr., willfully created these images to birth an Appalachian otherness thus serving his own economic interests. His family were major coal developers in Central Appalachia and John served as their public relations voice. His images became perceived reality and have endured for almost 150 years.[11] John Fox has proven that stereotyping is a profitable business. The agenda of making the mountaineer less was solidified as a feasible and successful campaign right after the Civil War. The creation of a cultural and class stratification was imperative to gain control of the natural resources and as a bonus there came the control of the people. As the nation was transitioning into an industrialized global power much was changing in the country. These changes invited many in the country to harken back to the good old days of a simpler pioneering time. Local color writers were happy to meet this need by creating an image of mountain people as savages, barbarians, and bloodthirsty people, thus proving to be very popular.[12]

The shift from a mountaineer stereotype to the savage barbarian began to give way to a more permanent and lasting type. In the 1870s publications like the New York Times started to frequently publish stories of Appalachian feuds that captivated the nation. From 1874-1902, the New York Times published no fewer than 14 different feuds from Eastern Kentucky[13] and of course the most popular and deadly was that of the interstate rivalry of the McCoys from Kentucky and the Hatfields of West Virginia. Often among the marginalized, dominate powers seek to disempower these people by creating a hierarchy within the ostracized ranks. This “divide and conquer” strategy is seen in the way the nation embraced the Hatfield/McCoy feud storyline. It is critical to know that this famous family rivalry had more to do with land rights, local economic issues, and remaining left over tension from the Civil War, than any falsely created cultural story of savages. In 1889, the same year that Rev. David Blythe founds UPIKE, Theron C. Crawford for the New York World newspaper wrote a collection of stories published as a book, called American Vendetta, in which, he colorfully painted an image of a backward hillbilly who loved to fight and kill to settle scores. He mocked the mountain dialect, adding fuel to the fires of the hillbilly stereotype.[14] Through yellow journalism, national storylines were embellished to sell papers. For example, a New York Times story datelined from Catlettsburg, Ky., in 1888 called the feud a “war of extermination” in the “wilds of West Virginia.” [15]

These images served well to control the people of the region.[16] Rev. David Blythe, said when performing his initial work in Pikeville in 1889, that the way that the national media shared the stories of the feud would do unchecked harm on the Appalachian region for generations to come.[17] The feuding lawless mountain person gave birth to the hillbilly. The hillbilly has been the lasting cultural image and destructive icon for nearly 150 years. This has become the controlling image of the region. Stereotypes have a way of guiding behavior and hiding elements that contradict it. stereotypes shape one’s self-perception and lead to self-fulfilling behavior.[18] The hillbilly allows greater American society to dehumanize a people and feel good about themselves. The fueling of the stereotype drown out all the potential for a valiant and gutsy mountaineer image to triumph. The history of dispossession of the Appalachian people has been a cultural project over 150 years in the making.

Casting a stereotype on a people has long lasting and various facets of impact. Stereotyped people are hyper aware of their behaviors and are worried that their actions or words will support and confirm the stereotypes. It is a constant threat to live within the parameters of a stereotype and it has been shown to create anxiety and damage performance.[19] The image of the hillbilly, see appendix three, is an important element of oppression in Central Appalachian society and is at the heart of what hollering theology must challenge and seek to transform. Although not as apparent and fierce as a brutal dictator or dominant as a corrupt forestry corporation, the hillbilly creates space for colonizing of the mind, fueling a culture of “feeling less than” and empowering society to oppress mountain people. This 150-year cultural propaganda assault leads to breakdowns in education, health care, social stratification, and ultimately allows a major gap to occur between the space of Central Appalachia and the rest of the US. As Dr. Stephen Stoll, the author of Ramp Hollow, chillingly asks, “What made politicians and investors think that they could do whatever they wanted wherever they wanted?”[20] Through the systematic and intentional devaluing and denigration of the Appalachian person into a hillbilly caricature, systems justify misusing and manipulating the people.

Nationally, the hillbillly is seen as a dumb mountaineer who historically sold their land for nothing, now is lazy, and naively uses a backward belief in a fatalistic God. Hillbillies are dirty, eat disgusting things like roadkill and wild animals, while having poor health and especially poor dental hygiene.[21] These mountain people can be laughed at and as Loyal Jones says, “political correctness fades away when the subject is a poor hillbilly. Therefore, they make wonderful scapegoats. We are really haunted and troubled by the poor in this affluent land.”[22] These poor mountaineers are at times barely surviving and many have creatively figured out how to use the federal social security income system as a way to live. From Cletus Spuckler[23] on The Simpsons to the negative energy surrounding the blaming of Appalachian people for the rise and election of Donald Trump,[24] stereotyping and shaming is all around. J.D. Vance, author of Hillbilly Elegy, who many claim only fuels the negative stereotypes, argues that stereotyping nearly stopped him from personal success. He says, “Surrounding me was another message: that I and the people like me weren’t good enough; that the reason Middletown produced zero Ivy League graduates was some genetic or character defect.”[25]

Dr. Ruth Frankenberg, sociologist and leading scholar in whiteness studies argues that the “hillbilly” is created to birth a “white other” to help lift the white culture of the USA, as the hillbilly is “less than white.”[26] Hillbillies on one hand are faithful and patriotic people who have simple lives showing the beauty of whiteness yet are also seen as feudists who lazily live off of government handouts and refuse to be educated and are perpetually suspicious of the outsider.[27] Through this creation of the “white other,” the hillbilly has been used to appease the guilt of the oppressive economic forces and fuel the partnership of fellow regional oppressive forces of Appalachian people who dominate their neighbors. Dr. Kai Erikson, former president of the American Sociological Society, sees the stereotype as extremely dangerous by saying, “It helps breed a social order without philosophy or art or even the rudest form of letters. It brings out whatever capacity for superstition and credulity a people come endowed with, and it encourages an almost reckless individualism.”[28] The Appalachian person, the hillbilly, is seen as other and less than, which then fuels the internalizing of shame and self-loathing.

 

Those studying Central Appalachia have sought to find patterns of oppression to explain the painful statistical realities of Central Appalachia which form diseases of despair. Diseases of despair are illnesses which result from a lifetime of despair and may include things like addiction, substance abuse overdoses, suicides, and alcoholic liver disease. Through brilliant historic studies like Ramp Hollow and the work of Catholic Committee in Appalachia people have been shown the damning impacts of mountain top removal and the heartless capitalistic exploitation from an extraction economy. This project, however wants to look at a system of oppression that cannot be seen in the streams and mountains. The primary oppression of Central Appalachia is the colonized mind of the hillbilly. This enslaving stereotype has ignited missionary endeavors and enflamed a War on Poverty, which unintendedly birthed a crushing federal dependency, see appendix four. These realities have become an invisible barrier for Appalachian student success. Painfully, the hillbilly has taken root into the hearts of many Appalachian students. Today the hillbilly stereotype rears its ugly face in the self-fulfilling prophecy of lower performing students. The dumb hillbilly is used by many to perpetuate the need to funnel money and resourcing into Central Appalachia, which actually keeps the people enslaved. Scholar activist, Dr. Helen M. Lewis, was the first to argue for Appalachia as an internal colony of the US because it has been economically exploited, politically dominated, and culturally denigrated.[29] This model, in addition to the work on colonization by philosopher Frantz Fanon, who had a four-phase colonial model as it has been applied to understand oppression and internalized oppression, sets the stage for the argument of internalized oppression as the primary oppression point.

Fanon states that colonization happens when a dominant/foreign group exploits an area’s natural resources while denigrating its labor force. In Harry Caudill’s shocking and damning work, Night Comes to the Cumberlands, he lays out the case for these 150 years of exploitation by the timber and coal industries. As early as 1880, the boom and bust of the coal industry started leaving a meteor sized hole in Appalachia. In 1920, almost 80 % of Eastern Kentucky lived in coal company-owned towns.[30] Dependence on the mine became the way of life. Although much smaller in 2021, coal is still devastating people. In 2019, the coal company BlackJewell created a painful situation for many miners when it closed its doors, declared bankruptcy and refused to pay the workers for labor they had already worked.[31] In a span of months, coal companies were dropping their mines and liquidating their companies in hopes of saving millions. Meanwhile miners were pushed to poverty and the community was left with nothing.[32]

Beyond private industrialists, the federal government also did serious damage to the people. Dr. Ron Eller, distinguished Appalachian professor of history, argues that the War on Poverty was inadequate because it failed to see/address the injustices caused by the generational domination of extracting capitalism. He says that the War on Poverty was negligent in dealing with problems of inequitable land ownership and capital outflow. Opportunities to advocate for landscape and water quality, investment in infrastructure, and multifaceted avenues of economic growth were missed.[33] Eller argues that there was a behind the scenes violent takeover of the region by greedy capitalists seeking to exploit the region for profit.

A step in the colonization process for Fanon is a violent takeover of the land yet violence is not always necessary as some people can be captured through other means. Through the promise of money and goods for mineral rights, many Central Appalachian families were colonized. The plundering the land for its resources in pursuit of American colonial expansion was justified by the use of the hillbilly stereotype of mountain people.

As Barbara Ellen Smith, a professor of women’s and gender studies, says of the stereotype, “The imagery sends the message that, ‘It’s only a region of trash, so why not trash it?’"[34] According to Fanon, the colonizer seeks to deprecate the local culture/people in combination of making the locals more civilized to match the image of the colonizer. The colonized are pictured as primitive, savages, less than, inferior, and needing to be modernized. Dr. Rodger Cunningham, Appalachian professor of English, argues that the psychological consequences of the internalization of such narratives has a blanketing impact that reduces the beauty and complications of Appalachia into a caricature that is fixed and full of despair.[35] Dr. Amanda Slone, assistant provost at UPIKE and Appalachian scholar, states that first generational Appalachian students have a loss of self-confidence due to the stereotype. This loss, when coupled with the greater national assumptions of the poor as lazy, drug addicts, ignorant, and deficient in various ways, does damage to students’ self-esteem. This damaging impact often provokes an intentional distancing from Appalachian identity. Dr. Slone uses personal narratives from Appalachian students to reveal how negative stereotypes impacts academic performance. Dr. Slone provides student Philip as an example. Philip typifies the way that stereotypes are used as a colonizing and oppressive force. While talking about his Appalachian identity and stereotypes that surround it, he said,

When people bring up stereotypes like that or point them out about you, you kind of think well, what if they do see me like that? What if to them I’m just some stupid redneck? And then you start to think, if they see me like that, what if I am like that? I mean, even if it’s not true you might subconsciously start to believe that what people say about you or how they see you is the truth, even if it’s not. And that can really do damage to self-esteem.[36]

 

The oppressed can begin to be owned by the narratives placed on them. The oppressed have a duality of longing for freedom from the oppression yet also fear this freedom.[37] After the appearance of inferiority becomes the ethos, Fanon argues that it is imperative that the colonizer impose structures, culture, and standards that encourage and reward those who transform into the image of the colonizer. In Central Appalachia, when a person is changed from an uncultured hillbilly to one who speaks without a mountain accent, this person is celebrated as a hero of success. This imposition happens through formal and informal structures/institutions such as schools, churches, advancement programs, and especially folk schools.[38] At times in its history, UPIKE has also used the images of transformed hillbillies as a way to connect with outside donors and national grants. After concluding this research project, I must admit my own educational work has primarily operated in unconscious biases stemming from this oppressive step.

Dr. Teemon Williams, in his groundbreaking work on internalizing oppression, see appendix five, shares the process of how step three in Fanon’s model works through the concepts of process, state, and action. This work is both internal, psychological, and spiritual whereas it is supported through the systematic use of the media, language, lyrics in music, cultural practices, and cultural assumptions. This cycle produces fruits of the oppression such as learned helplessness and an acceptance of the dominant narrative. This acceptance, which uncritically integrates the lies, oppressive structures, and worst insights of the stereotype, can seep into the fundamental aspect of one’s person and especially in the larger communal identity.[39] Although Dr. Williams’ model was initially designed for black women it is applicable for hillbillies. In this model, the stereotype images of the ignorant hillbilly, the poor hillbilly, and the dependent hillbilly shine forth. Internalized oppression also seeps through in subtle ways in the lives of Appalachian students. Inner oppression manifests when hillbillies need help but do not ask for assistance due to a sense of shame, fearing that the cultural assumptions of stupidity or neediness will be confirmed. Also, a hillbilly may be afraid to try a new adventure because of the sense of not being able to do it or that the outsiders will already see them as less than. So often, a hillbilly does not venture away from the mountains because of concerns of being misunderstood.

In applying Williams’ framework of the process, one sees the way in which the hillbilly starts to own and integrate the cultural negative stereotypes. This leads to the state used by the dominant oppressive force to victim blame. Victim blaming in hillbillies occur when it becomes easier to simply label a people lazy and bad rather than considering larger historical and systematic causes that shape a person’s situation.[40] The state is the negative and broken qualities, traits, and characteristics within the Appalachian region, which are then attached to the character of the hillbilly. In reality these are the fruits of internalized oppression. Next, Williams highlights the spiritual state, which is profound for discussing hollering theology. The spiritual state of internalized oppression is the way that damning stereotypes are married to soul of the hillbilly. The realities of internalized oppression can and will run so deep that it will permeate one’s relationship with and image of God.[41]  Ultimately the internalized oppression leads to negative action and the damaging way of life becomes the daily activities of the hillbilly. These actions fuel the stereotype, playing out the narrative of the oppressor.[42]

Toxic behaviors in Appalachia are due to internalized oppression. Dr. E.J.R. David, professor of clinical-community psychology, argues in his work, The Psychology of Marginalized Groups, that internalized oppression is related to high rates of crime, especially violent crimes like domestic violence and self-harming behaviors such as drug abuse, school dropouts, and sexually transmitted infections.[43] The higher rates of such things in Central Appalachia can be linked to internalized oppression. The traits and characteristics of internalized oppression can be passed generationally, and it can exist and be communicated automatically beyond intentionality or awareness.

Internalization also leads to a false consciousness, it breaks up the collective power of a people into differentiated groups, and pushes hillbillies to start hating themselves. This rage and despair turn outward to seek alliance and purpose in things such as white nationalist groups, proclaiming the confederate flag as a symbol of heritage, and verbally disparaging of immigrants and Muslims while supporting political candidates who pride themselves on insular and isolating policies. Long term impact of internal colonization is the self-hatred of being Appalachian and feeling stuck in Appalachia. It also can create a sense of being embarrassed to have an Appalachian dialect or being known as a hillbilly. UPIKE student Allison, echoes this,

It’s the first thing people notice and it’s really a downfall because no more than you open your mouth and they hear your accent, they’re thinking ‘oh wow, nothing intelligent is going to come out of their mouth.’ Sometimes people just ignore the conversation, ignore what you’re saying, or they just think you’re stupid. They think you’re just a hillbilly from the mountains.[44]

 

Appalachian students report a high level of embarrassment and code switching that happens with their accent especially as they deal with non-Appalachian people/settings. Often students will start to exhibit signs of this internalization when they say, “I am just a hillbilly.”[45]

Shame is a key fruit of internalized oppression and shame often can fuel things like disempowerment and lack of meaningful community engagement. Disempowerment and lack of meaning fuel addiction at greater rates than Big Pharma especially as the Central Appalachian region is shamed by the images and caricatures of the listless poor mountain man on his front porch with nothing to do. [46] Addiction is the deadliest result of the hillbilly image. Addiction is a system of oppression fueled in part by corporate greed and existential pain and hurt.[47] As more and more companies are leaving the region and good paying and meaningful jobs are drying up, there is an existential crisis in Central Appalachia. There is much less likelihood of addiction when people can provide in meaningful ways for themselves and their families. Eastern Kentucky native, Tim Robinson, CEO of Addiction Recovery Care, says,

That is what our brothers and sisters in addiction need: an opportunity. An opportunity for treatment, transitional housing, and workforce development that leads to a meaningful career path, and when the opportunity is given...I have seen us not just survive but thrive. Our current human capital and labor shortage can be solved at the same time we combat the drug epidemic as we take those struggling with addiction from crisis to career.[48]

 

            Through the hapless hillbilly and the powerless victim, addiction continues to skyrocket. J.D. Vance shares a similar truth when talking about his mom’s cycle of addiction and recovery.

 

When Mom came home a few months later, she brought a new vocabulary along with her. She regularly recited the Serenity Prayer, a staple of addiction circles in which the faithful ask God for the ‘serenity to accept the things {they} cannot change.’ Drug addiction was a disease, and just as I wouldn’t judge a cancer patient for a tumor, so I shouldn’t judge a narcotic addict for her behavior. At thirteen, I found this patently absurd, and Mom and I often argued over whether her newfound wisdom was scientific truth or an excuse for people whose decisions destroyed a family. Oddly enough, it’s probably both: Research does reveal a genetic disposition to substance abuse, but those who believe their addiction is a disease show less of an inclination to resist it. Mom was telling herself the truth, but the truth was not setting her free.[49]

 

The complexity of drug addiction is as multifaceted as the Appalachian region itself, yet addiction is ripping a hole in the soul of the people with daily newspaper reports of crime and overdose. In the summer of 2019 in Pike County, Ky., 91 % of grand jury indictments for the Commonwealth of Kentucky, were drug related.[50] The addiction and criminalization cycle is destroying the poor and hurting of the mountains because most addicts are people who have already been victimized/traumatized.[51]

Leading addiction specialist, Dr. Brue Alexander, has made a compelling argument for the role of dislocation and disempowerment in addiction. Dislocation is happening in Central Appalachia due to the loss of meaningful identity, work, and achievable goals in an area where so many are loyal to land and family but are faced with a crisis due to lack of opportunities. Addiction is used to satisfy the soul pain caused by dislocation.[52] Getting high and finding the next fix gives at least a pseudo meaning to each day. The search for meaning is a push against the despair that many feel in the region. Many are so crippled by a meaningless life that even the religious offerings provided to them feel empty and trivial.[53] A painful reality is the glaring sore of boredom and lack of engagement. [54] One can see the pain of decay and debilitation in many of the formerly booming coal producing towns. From Jenkins to Phelps, from Harlan to Lynch, Eastern Kentucky is lined with areas that are greying, disabled, and shells of once vibrant camps.

Stereotypes can cause massive pain and alienation. Laura Green, counselor at Virginia Commonwealth University, in her research on stereotypes has shown that one must call out the stereotype and define it as a problem. She argues that it is critical to know the ways in which the stereotype developed so that the thought patterns can be disrupted. She argues that it is vital to provide challenging information and images that confront the stereotype.[55] In light of her research, the way forward in Central Appalachia, is a new way and lens to view oneself, the region, cultural identity, and the shadow of the hillbilly. Dr. Rodger Cunningham chisels away at the stereotype by trying to honestly define the idea of Appalachian. Appalachia is,  

a systematic structure of meanings implying orientation to the cosmos; in short, a folk ideology and at the same time a specifically spiritual phenomenon thus empowering to see the complex nature of the region and people so that one can begin to silence stereotypes of a poor, whites only Appalachia. Understanding Appalachian culture as complex and diverse narrative and region can help Hillbillies to not only resist their oppressors, but if properly made known to the world, it can help shape thought on these issues in general.[56]

 

His definition invites questions regarding an honest and critical look at the people of its region. Internalized oppression is insidious by nature but also a learned and conditioned behavior. The hopeful reality is that if it is learned, it can be unlearned.[57] Unlearning starts with critical pedagogy and liberative theological work especially the hollering theological work of recasting of the hillbilly through the framework of a hillbilly Jesus and other such contextualized theological concepts. Undoing of internal oppression can be enhanced by giving some control to a higher power such as the collective power of the community or God.[58] When one claims their cultural identity and makes known the positive and prideful aspects of being a hillbilly, they are resisting. From the simple acts of proudly calling oneself a hillbilly, one is choosing to push against the internalized oppression. The best way to push against the internalized oppression is to unapologetically live out and make known the diverse and complex narratives of the region. From the Affralachian members to the County Queers, and the Islamic community center in Prestonsburg, all are Appalachian, and all are a part of the hillbilly story.[59] A proud and diverse hillbilly is the biggest challenge to the damning stereotype.

Hollering theology can provide an image of a liberating God who does not fatalistically create the hillbilly with inherent deficiencies but empowers a co-creative mountaineer who has the inner force to make all things new. It can also be used to invite renewed theological language and operate as a lens to critique oppressive structures of mental oppression. Also, critical pedagogy addresses the stereotype and creates new spaces in the realm of Appalachian self-awareness. One must be aware however, of how subtle and powerful the systems of power are within the mountains of Appalachia as no one is immune to hegemony.[60] In the process of this project, I became very aware of my own narrow view of Appalachia and for many years I only saw Appalachia as a Scotch-Irish region that struggled with poverty and despair. So then this project is a movement of which both myself and Appalachian students at UPIKE are growing together. As Confucius has said, “education breeds confidence. Confidence breeds hope. Hope breeds peace.” Liberation in Eastern Kentucky will happen when the shame of the hillbilly is crucified, and the pride and boldness of the mountaineer is born again.

            The hillbillies of Central Appalachia are an oppressed people. One cannot be neutral or apologetic in this stance. Appalachia is a distinctive region, and the people are a distinctive people group. For the sake of unchecked profits, a dependency model was created which started as an external force. Today this dependency model is now an ingrained and cemented inner reality operating as internalized oppression through the hillbilly stereotype that shapes a way of life for many in Central Appalachia. This dependence model is a key source of oppression in the region and therefore must be a starting place of hollering theology. Also, the God of the mountains is more than enough to meet the needs, heal the broken, and empower the poor to speak life to the region without waiting on outside support or salvation from beyond the mountains. I conclude this chapter with an act of resisting in partnership with father Hugo Assman’s of whose poetic work I adapt to the context of Appalachia.

God of the Miner

You are the God of the hillbilly,

The human, unassuming God,

The God who sweats up the holler

The God with a weathered countenance

That is why I speak to you,

As my people speaks

Because you are God the laborer

Christ the Miner

You go hand in hand with my people,

You struggle in the countryside and the mill,

You line up there in the camp

So that they will pay you your day’s wages

You eat, scratching there in the park,

With Michael, John, and Junior Ray,

And you complain about the biscuits

When they don’t put much gravy on it.

I have seen you in a grocery store,

Sitting on a stand

I have seen you selling lottery tickets

Without being ashamed of that job

I have seen you at the strip job

Fixing the tires on a truck

And even blasting underground

With leather gloves and glowing stripes.[61]

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 




[1] E. J. R David, Internalized Oppression. The Psychology of Marginalized Groups, December 2013, Accessed December 21, 2020, 9. https://connect.springerpub.com/content/book/978-0-8261-9926-3/part/part01/chapter/ch01  

 

[2] Rusty Justice, “Appalachian Rising” Podcast by the University of Pikeville, Episode 3 with Dr. Burton Webb. 2019. https://www.upike.edu/offices/public-affairs/appalachia-rising/

[6] Wikipedia, 2020, “Hillbilly,” accessed July 26, 2020, https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Hillbilly.

 

[7] “Hillbilly” Abramson, Haskell.

[9] Lippincott's Magazine of Popular Literature and Science, Vol. XII. No. 31. Oct. 1873.

 

[10] Anthony Harkins, Hillbilly a Culture History of an American Icon, New York, Oxford, 2004, 30.

 

[11] Mary Jean Ronan Herzog, Grappling with Diversity: Readings on Civil Rights Pedagogy and Critical Multiculturalism, Susan Schramm-Pate, Rhonda B. Jeffries, eds., SUNY Press, February 14, 2008, 209.

[13] Appalachia in the Making: The Mountain South in the Nineteenth Century, Mary Beth Pudup, Dwight B. Billings, Altina L. Waller eds., University of North Carolina Press, 2000, 367.

 

[14] Robert Y. Spence, “Hatfield-McCoy Feud,” West Virginia Encyclopedia, Accessed July 19, 2020. https://www.wvencyclopedia.org/

[15] Rosanna McCoy, “Feud coverage had impact on stereotypes,” The Herald-Dispatch,

May 20, 2012, accessed July 26 2020, https://www.herald-dispatch.com/features_entertainment/feud-coverage-had-impact-on-stereotypes/article_d445eb5f-31a6-5441-a17b-787ae86fee99.html

[16] Meredith McCarroll, Unwhite: Appalachia, Race and Film, University of Georgia Press, 2018, 41.

 

[17] David Blythe, personal correspondence with his family, 1887, achieves University of Pikeville. Accessed July 19, 2020.

 

[18] Dana Bisignani, “Beauboeuf-Lafontant, Behind the Mask of the Strong Black Woman, and Controlling Images: Welfare Reform, Work Ethic, and the “Welfare Queen,” The Gender Press, April 8, 2015, Accessed June 29, 2020. https://genderpressing.wordpress.com/category/media-and-advertising/representation/ 

[19] Petty S. Wheeler and S. Richard, “The Effects of Stereotype Activation on Behavior: A Review of Possible Mechanisms,” Psychological bulletin, 2001/12/01.

[20] Stephen Stoll, Ramp Hollow: The Ordeal of Appalachia, Hill and Wang Publishers, 2017, 136.

 

[21] Donald Anderson, Colonialism in Modern America: The Appalachian Case. Helen M. Lewis, Linda Johnson, Donald Askins eds., Appalachian Consortium Press, 1978, 41.

 

[22] Loyal Jones, “The Poor in Rural America are Not Laughing,” Center for Rural Strategies, accessed 5-13-2020. https://www.ruralstrategies.org/the-poor-in-rural-america-are-not-laughing  

 

[23] “Simpsons Fandom,” Accessed July 2, 2020.  https://simpsons.fandom.com/wiki/Cletus_Spuckler

 

[25] JD Vance, Hillbilly Elegy: A Memoir of a Family and Culture in Crisis, Harper Collins, 2016, 176.

 

[27] Ibid. 

 

[28] Kari Erickson, “Everything in Its Path,” cited in Jeff Biggers, The United States of Appalachia: How Southern Mountaineers Brought Independence, Culture, and Enlightenment to America, Counterpoint Publishers, 2007, 84.

[29] Stephen L. Fisher, Fighting Back in Appalachia. Traditions of Resistance and Change, Temple University Press, 1993, 64.

 

[30] Wayne Coombs, “Analysis: The Pharmaceutical Colonization of Appalachia. To fight the opioid epidemic, first we need to identify the enemy. Research on the theory of historical trauma —  affecting entire populations and regions —  could point us toward more effective treatment,” Feb 7, 2018,

The Daily Yonder: Keeping It Rural, Accessed May 12, 2020, https://www.dailyyonder.com/analysis-pharmaceutical-colonization-appalachia/2018/02/07/ 

 

[31] Sydney Boles, “Blackjewel Miners Block Railroad To Demand Pay From Bankrupt Coal Company.” Ohio Valley ReSource, Accessed December 21, 2020, https://wfpl.org/blackjewel-miners-block-railroad-to-demand-pay-from-bankrupt-coal-company/

 

[32] Mason Adams and Dustin Bleizeffer, “What’s next for coal country?” Energy News Network, June 23, 2020, accessed August 2, 2020, https://energynews.us/2020/06/23/west/whats-next-for-coal-country/  

 

[33] Ron Eller as cited in David DeWitt, “Historian: Appalachia has record of social injustice,” April 6, 2014, Ohio University Athens News,  Accessed May 24, 2020, https://www.athensnews.com/news/campus/historian-appalachia-has-record-of-social-injustice/article_b5490517-238f-58fe-bd21-c0ae264f66c7.html    

 

[34] Barbara Ellen Smith as cited in Ashley York, Hillbilly. Shepherdstown, 2019.

 

[35] Rodger Cunningham as cited in Fisher, 295.

[36] Slone, 105.

 

[37] Paulo Freire, Pedagogy of the Oppressed, trans. Myra Bergman Ramos, Continuum, 1986, 32.

 

[38] David, 19.

[39] Teeomm K. Williams. "Understanding Internalized Oppression: A Theoretical Conceptualization of Internalized Subordination," 2012, Open Access Dissertations, 627, 66.

https://scholarworks.umass.edu/open_access_dissertations/627 

 

[40] David, 2.

[41] Tee Williams, 167.

 

[42] Ibid., 166-168.

 

[43] David, 23.

[44] Slone, 103.

 

[45] David, 9.

 

[46] “Health Disparities Related to Opioid Misuse in Appalachia,” Appalachian Regional Commission, https://www.arc.gov/assets/research_reports/HealthDisparitiesRelatedtoOpioidMisuseinAppalachiaApr2019.pdf

 

[47] H. Pickard, “Responsibility without Blame for Addiction,” Neuroethics, January 2017,  10(1):169-180 https://europepmc.org/article/med/28725286

[48] Tim Robinson. Addiction Recovery Care, Aug 22, 2018, https://www.arccenters.com/articles/2018/08/22/addiction-recovery-care-ceo-testifies-for-congressional-committee/

 

[49] Vance, 116.

 

[50] Author personal experience on grand jury summer of 2019, Pikeville, KY. 

[51] Pickard, 169-180

 

[54] Liv Mann, “Disinvestment in Rural Kentucky Leaves Nothing to Do but Drugs.” University of Michigan News, December 9, 2019,  https://poverty.umich.edu/news-events/news/rural-resilience-disinvestment-in-rural-kentucky-leaves-nothing-to-do-but-drugs/  

[55] Laura Green, “Negative Racial Stereotypes and Their Effect on Attitudes Toward African-Americans,”  Ferris University, Jim Crow Racist Museum, Accessed July 1, 2020, https://www.ferris.edu/htmls/news/jimcrow/links/essays/vcu.htm

 

[56] Rodger Cunningham as cited in P.J. Obermiller, M.E. Maloney, “The Uses and Misuses of Appalachian Culture,” Journal of Appalachian Studies, (22:1. 2016). 103-112.

 

[57] David, 24.

 

[58] Ibid., 284.

 

[59] William Schumann, Appalachia Revisited: New Perspectives on Place, Tradition, and Progress. William Schumann, Rebecca Adkins Fletcher, eds., University Press of Kentucky, 2016, 52.

Jesus the Hillbilly and Hollering Theology in the Bible

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